Total Peace looks into the deepest Colombia

When negotiations with the National Liberation Army (PLA) begin in Havana in the third phase, starting in April, as announced, they will do so on a more solid footing.

The fact is that the agenda recently adopted by the guerrillas and the government, which will serve as a road map, will force them to take into account, among other things, important aspects in order to achieve what Executive Director Gustavo Petro has postulated as a complete peace: to take into account that the citizens think about the issues raised in the dialogue and about the violence itself, and what seems most important: considering the economic and political model from a democratic point of view and with the participation of all sectors, without exception.

The second period of negotiations, held in Mexico after the opening in Venezuela, adopted on March 10 this six-point agenda that will henceforth guide the process, which comes as news after President of the Peace Commission in the legislature and member of the Government’s representative in the dialogue, Ivan Cepeda, will present to Congress this week as part of a substantive report.

While it is completely impossible to predict whether this map will lead to a happy port or not, the truth is that the themes show a path that seems to be correct.

Since peace through negotiations is a credible goal defended by the current government – other leaders, such as those led by Alvaro Uribe at the time or his Dauphin Ivan Duque, actually relied on a military withdrawal in order not to give in – it can be assumed that this is a negotiation process with The ELN takes into account the experience left by the one that the now-extinct Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-Popular Army (FARC-EP) and the government of Juan Manuel Santos kept for four years, and which was concluded in an agreement, after four years of comings and goings through consultations with the Colombian by the populace and a certain amount of caffeine removal from what was agreed thanks to right-wing propaganda.

However, the “cleansing” of the almost seven years that have elapsed since those events until today shows that almost the only material fact that materialized was the demobilization of this guerrilla movement, even when factions not respecting the pact remained under arms and another stronghold of the rebels who supported the process in the first place, took up arms again, convinced that their concerted reintegration into civilian life must overcome the death traps of selective killing of the demobilized and even subjecting some of them to non-treaty proceedings.

But the most important thing to consider in the face of new negotiations is that what has been achieved essentially addresses the causes of the violence that has mortally shaken the country for decades.

Of course, this violence is provoked not only and perhaps not even mainly by partisan detachments. Chief Executive Gustavo Petro knows this, as evidenced by the fact that he opened the negotiating fork to include clans involved in drug trafficking.

But there will be no complete peace in Colombia, or anywhere else, unless there is social justice, and the price that, in Colombia’s case, the survival of the dirty drug business, is not removed. These other social factors appear to be taken into account now.

Negotiations with FARC-EP also drew attention to such violations as a result of proposals put forward not by the government, but by the guerrilla group itself, which knew better than anyone that the beginning of the insurgency was in the countryside and in the struggle for land. This is how the partisan movement was born.

This was the first aspect. But the emphasis of the ruling party, when it came to submission, was to lay down arms.

Due to the neglect of the agrarian and rural problem, violence in these areas increased after the agreements adopted by the FARC-EP and the government in 2016, helped by the very absence of guerrillas in many rural areas that were then occupied by the military. criminal gangs.

The so-called
New peace program

Such antecedents should have led us to think that it would be useless to return to this subject, because what is connected with the need to care for the Colombian countryside, including rural reform, is already stipulated in these postulates, only that before the arrival of the current executive director , it was almost a dead letter.

In fact, a report to Congress on the content of the so-called New Peace Agenda indicates that the policy in this dialogue will be to “build on what has been built.”

For this reason, perhaps the agenda goes straight, in point 1, to public participation, something that has already been practiced in the process with the FARC-EP, but again this is important and will need to be deepened, since there can not be good agreement on such an important issue, if the society somehow does not participate in the debate about how to stop the violence.

Perhaps President Petro’s past with the former M-19 guerrilla movement helped this leader understand the Colombian drama from a deep and varied perspective.

The fact that these negotiations were officially given a political character, and this movement was recognized as rebellious from a legal point of view, speaks of respect for the ANO, with which the process is taking place, and feels, including in this sense, good guidelines.

But, perhaps most importantly, it is the desired social pact, defined in the New Agenda as “an alliance of the living forces of the nation not only to counter the national and global crisis, but also to usher in a new historical era that definitely excludes violence in politics and public life.”

This long light is seen in the document’s preamble, which states that the goal of the process is to end armed conflict, overcome it, eradicate violence from politics, and bring about “democratic transformation” through what he calls a “grand national agreement.” , and “a political and social union of a wide range”, in which all political forces and all sectors of Colombian society are invited to participate.

Pointing to the fundamental problems that these transformations should address, the text identifies gaps in democracy, drug trafficking, corruption, the adverse aspects of climate change, violence against women, the plight of the rural population and a crisis economy affecting large segments of the population, he says, as well as small entrepreneurs.

None of the previous negotiating processes, with the exception of breaking with the ELN under the government of Ivan Duque, considered Colombia so deeply.

Claim to Cuba

The remaining three agenda items are dedicated to the victims of the conflict and their rights to justice, truth, reparation, non-repetition and not to be forgotten, together with commitment by the parties; The goal of the process is obviously to achieve an end to the armed conflict, for which a model must be found by which the ANO renounces not only the use of weapons, “but also the weapons themselves”, and also hoped that the state and society would also renounce them.

Finally, the sixth point is devoted to the implementation of agreements, the implementation of which will be differentiated and comprehensive and is supposed to be part of state policy, so future governments must also comply with them, like the entire ANO. respect them. .

Although it was already said in Havana during the visit of Colombian Foreign Minister Alvaro Leyva last August, the renewed acknowledgment of Cuba’s historic efforts for peace in that country speaks to the honesty of the current Colombian government and its firm lies about the manipulations by which Ivan Duque’s executive officials have put the United States on a silver platter, a non-existent justification for putting us back on their hypocritical list of countries that allegedly encourage terrorism.

He calls for a peaceful dialogue to re-establish the island as a place of action and to do so with a new agenda.

Source: Juventud Rebelde

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